妳說,妳一進來看一下,怎麼都是不感興趣的事,就走了。
我突然因為妳說的這句話,願意承認自己一直在作蠢事。
妳沒有罵我,但是我覺得妳一語中的。 
妳說,妳一進來看一下,怎麼都是不感興趣的事,就走了。
我突然因為妳說的這句話,願意承認自己一直在作蠢事。
妳沒有罵我,但是我覺得妳一語中的。 
December 18, 2009
Op-Ed Contributor
Where Impunity Reigns
By BENEDICT ROGERS
The world needs to be reminded, again and again, that the military regime in Burma (Myanmar) continues to perpetrate every conceivable human rights violation.
Any Burmese showing any dissent is brutally suppressed, as the world witnessed two years ago when peaceful Buddhist monks demonstrated. Many monks were killed or have disappeared; several hundred remain in prison.
Beyond that, more than 2,000 political activists are in Burmese prisons today, subjected to torture, denial of medical treatment and ludicrous sentences.
Student leader Bo Min Yu Ko is serving a 104-year prison term; Shan ethnic leader Hkun Htun Oo has been imprisoned for 93 years; democracy activist Min Ko Naing for 65 years. The most famous human rights activist, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been under house arrest for almost 14 years, and the term was extended for a further 18 months after a sham trial.
Many of these activists are in prisons thousands of miles from their families, and several are critically ill.
One category of victims of the military dictatorship that gets far less attention is Burma’s ethnic minorities.
In eastern Burma, the regime has been conducting a brutal military campaign against people of the Karen, Karenni and Shan groups. Since 1996, more than 3,300 villages have been destroyed and more than a million people internally displaced. A Karenni friend of mine has described it as “Pol Pot in slow motion.”
The catalogue of terror includes the widespread, systematic use of rape as a weapon, forced labor, the use of human minesweepers and the forcible conscription of child soldiers.
In northern and western Burma, the predominantly Christian Chin and Kachin peoples also face systematic religious persecution.
The Muslim Rohingyas, targeted for their faith and ethnicity, are denied citizenship, despite living in Burma for generations. Thousands have escaped to miserable conditions in Bangladesh.
I have travelled more than 30 times to Burma and its borderlands. I have met former child soldiers, women who have been gang-raped, and many people who have been forced to flee from their burned villages.
Earlier this year, I met a man who had lost both his legs following an attack on his village.
When the Burmese Army came, he fled, but after the troops had moved on, he returned to his smoldering village to see if he could salvage any remaining belongings. Where his house had stood, he found nothing except ashes — hidden in which was a landmine laid by the troops. He stepped on the mine, and lost both legs.
He was carried for an entire day for basic medical treatment and then, a few weeks later, he walked on crutches through the jungle for two days to escape. He fled to a camp for internally displaced people near the Thai border. Four months later, that camp was attacked and he had to flee again.
An eyewitness once told me that in a prison camp in Chin State, prisoners who tried to escape were repeatedly stabbed, forced into a tub of salt water, and then roasted over a fire. A woman in Karen State described to me how her husband was hung upside down from a tree, his eyes gouged out, and then drowned.
The United Nations has documented these atrocities. For years, General Assembly resolutions have condemned the abuses. Previous special rapporteurs have described the violations as “the result of policy at the highest level, entailing political and legal responsibility.” A recent General Assembly resolution urged the regime to “put an end to violations of international human rights and humanitarian law.”
The U.N. has placed Burma on a monitoring list for genocide, the Genocide Risk Indices lists Burma as one of the two top “red alert” countries for genocide, along with Sudan, while the Minority Rights Group ranks Burma as one of the top five countries where ethnic minorities are under threat. Freedom House describes Burma as “the worst of the worst.”
This year, the United States reviewed its Burma policy and adopted a new approach of engagement while maintaining existing sanctions.
While this is the right approach in principle, and one advocated by the democracy movement, the danger is that the message has been misinterpreted, both by the regime and countries in the region.
Even though President Obama and senior U.S. officials have consistently emphasized that sanctions will not be lifted until there is substantial and irreversible progress in Burma, including the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners and a meaningful dialogue between the regime, the democracy movement and the ethnic nationalities, the impression created in the region is that the U.S. is going soft.
This is unfortunate, as it has let Burma’s neighbors off the hook just when they were showing tentative signs of toughening up their approach. Trying to talk to the generals is right, but it needs to be accompanied by strong and unambiguous pressure.
In short, little action has been taken by the international community. Countries continue to sell the regime arms, impunity prevails.
The violations perpetrated by the regime amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Harvard Law School’s report, “Crimes in Burma,” commissioned by five of the world’s leading jurists, concludes that there is “a prima facie case of international criminal law violations occurring that demands U.N. Security Council action to establish a Commission of Inquiry to investigate these grave breaches.”
Last week marked the 61st anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. If that is to mean anything in Burma, the time has come for the U.N. to impose a universal arms embargo on the regime, to invoke the much-flaunted “Responsibility to Protect” mechanism, and to investigate the regime’s crimes. The time to end the system of impunity in Burma is long overdue.
Benedict Rogers is East Asia Team Leader with the human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide, and author of several books on Burma, including “Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma’s Tyrant.”
有時候很好...
有時候很糟
something like thaT...
以前在新竹常聽人家往南庄跑,聽說那邊很漂亮。
兩個月前慶祝嘎逼生日,我們決定抽空去南庄一趟。這趟兩天一夜的行程,住在很舒服的半山腰民宿「水雲間」。
入秋真的是出遊的好季節,煩不愣咚的時候往山裡去,果然讓人心曠神怡。
從頭份交流道下沿河堤,開車30分鐘就可以到達南庄老街。
我們抵達的時候已經下午四點多了,正值柿子盛產季節,擺攤的人都在把橘色柿子裝箱準備收工了。因為不想明天(週六)來老街人擠人,於是我們把握最後時光,匆匆在南庄老街逛了一下。沒想到這個決定,後來讓我們經歷一場驚魂記。
對南庄的第一印象是覺得南庄很像去過兩次的內灣,感覺好像都座落山谷間。另一個印象是,南庄的水好乾淨。一下車看到旁邊的水溝,裡面的水非常清澈。難怪走到桂花巷入口,能看到「水汴頭洗衫坑」這種空間,這是當地婦女會利用泉水洗衣服的公共場域。

(剛好有一個老阿媽在洗衣服)
走進桂花巷,裡面有好多賣吃的小店,不過許多都關了。

我們看到一隻可愛的貓咪,坐得很正都不動,後來才發現他好像眼睛和手都受傷過。

告別老街已經很晚了,天都黑了。我們趕緊前往「水雲間」。開了大概二十分鐘,指標要我們往左邊的產業道路「開上去」。
「開上去」的意思,就是把車開上幾乎是45度以上的陡坡。據說這條又陡又長的之字型陡坡,最陡還有到60度。我們開好久好久,夜黑風高的時候開著這台即將退役的十年老爺車在陡坡上,車內整個氣氛都很凝結,只有儀表版上的溫度一直狂升。
嘎逼還「認真地」說,怎麼辦溫度如果一直升上去,煞車可能會失靈。(媽啊,我知道他不是開玩笑的,但是看到旁邊就是竹林和山崖耶,除了內心一直大驚,額頭一直冒冷汗,我也真是一個玩笑也開不出來,一聲也不敢坑,只能讓正駕駛努力和車子搏感情)
這一小段驚險之旅,完全不是我們當初規劃的南庄遊橋段。
爬了好久的陡坡。我甚至覺得是遇到鬼打牆了,眼淚快被急出來時,突然看到山壁上貼著「加油!水雲間就快到了!」之類的標語。內心一整個不知道該把這標語視為明燈還是陷阱。
不過,抵達目的地民宿「水雲間」時,真的覺得還滿值得的。驚魂未定的我們,看到車子熱呼呼的,也不敢讓引擎熄火。老闆娘跟我們強調「march都開得上來呀」(opel也是開上來了,只是喘得很,我想純粹是車子真的老了吧)
開上來是值得的。到了那邊都聽到蟲鳴鳥叫,空氣好新鮮,很涼爽的風,住在山裡真的好安靜舒服,心都沈靜下來了。把行李丟到布置很美麗的房間之後(如圖),我們很快跑到餐廳去點了「花茶」壓驚。
看到要來慶生的嘎逼臉色「青筍筍」,真的覺得他好可憐喔。喝完花茶,拿出我們在南庄老街臨時買的「當日現作」海綿蛋糕充當生日蛋糕,幫他慶生。

(這是假裝生日蛋糕的海綿蛋糕)
隔天我們在蟲鳴鳥叫聲,還有山頭的日出中起床,很讚吧!一拉開窗簾,view更棒。

(這就是房間看出去的景喔,打開窗戶就看得到!)
接下來就是快點去吃早餐並且逛逛這個庭園民宿。沿途會經過水雲間主人精心設計的庭園。可說是處處都有小天地,這也是我喜歡這民宿的原因,常讓旅人能感受到主人在小地方的用心還有全然的悠閒感。
餐廳內部有好多擺設,都是老闆娘蒐集的擺設品。我都好喜歡喔,不斷拍個不停。因為老闆娘說她每隔一段時間就換一次擺設品,所以我就把當時拍的放上來給大家看囉。
老闆娘煮咖啡給我們,兩個有點研究的人聊起來了,我繼續到處拍照。
特別請人設計的杯子。有三款,我最喜歡這款。

早餐是簡單的清粥小菜,配上左手邊隨意取用的山景,真的很有山居歲月的感覺。
在陽光下吃早餐。好想要一直賴在暖和冬陽裡。

只能露半邊臉的壽星對著「有閒有錢」的木雕許願中。說真的,嫻靜的山居時光裡,有錢有閒似乎只會是旅客的願望吧。
在這裡一直忙著照相照相。我記得小時候我也很愛跟我爸媽到杉林溪,我真的是喜歡往山裡跑的人。
離開水雲間之後,我們又沿著省道三號往北開,那是一條沿著獅頭山後面的路,會經過峨眉,然後通到北埔。經過據說非常漂亮的峨眉湖,看獅頭山風景區的介紹知道那邊有步道和吊橋可以散步,超過時間預算,決定下次再來。
中午左右抵達了北埔老街。我們在那邊買了可以保養喉嚨的柿霜和盛產的柿餅(好吃!)。

推薦莊記柿餅專賣店,在北埔街與廟口街角。老闆娘介紹很詳細,給你充分資訊,柿餅好吃就不用強調了。

路上看到這隻貓,好羨慕喵主人可以帶他出來逛大街。主人說這可是從小訓練的結果,而且跟我強調他都睡「席夢思」。(呼!)

中餐一定要有「客家桔醬」,據說是竹苗地區客家山城才有的特殊醬料。

每次來北埔都要去學長以前介紹的「九九客家菜」吃飯,他們雞肉是放山雞,很好吃。
在九九吃飽之後,逛一下北埔。就降。結束兩天一夜的旅行。
回到家,麥帥在地上滾個不停迎接我們。
可惜,我們沒有帶什麼紀念品回來給他。
★推薦:
苗栗南庄民宿 水雲間 http://www.825777.com/
獅頭山風景區 http://www.5657.com.tw/nanjuang/n03.htm
北埔九九客家菜 http://www.07082996.shopcool.com.tw/map.html
莊記柿餅 http://0926632688.travel-web.com.tw/
2006年夏‧上海美術館外
Enounter(遭遇/遇見)作為一個「場面」,總是常常引發人類學家大作文章,例如就有學者把部落社會裡住民與殖民者的遭遇情境,住民看到攝影機的反應的紀錄寫下分析,並且擴大成理論。總之,encounter好像是一支筆,只要被人類學家握住,就忍不住長篇大論。
作為一個還滿想當人類學家的插班生,也正好論文就是用encounter談起,說我與緬甸僑生的遭遇如何改變我的一生(我還沒那麼愛當小明星啦,不過一方面也可以說我生平中第一位僑生朋友Y還真是我的貴人)。
以上皆不是重點,重點也不是我很愛交朋友。不過,「交朋友」真的可以讓人看到全世界,這倒是真的,出外真的是要靠朋友。以下,就是要講一件今天發生的事情,事情和中國朋友有關係。
話說,今天傍晚賴床起不來的時候,嘎逼在我耳邊大叫,「快起來領妳第一張聖誕卡,妳一定會起床的」
那是一張印著自由女神大臉的明信片,照片下方還寫的大大的NEW YORK兩字。我想,啊,是X寄來的,他是我現在唯一在紐約大學唸書的朋友,是個中國人,2006年夏天在上海一個學術場合遇到。當時頗談得來,總是互相鼓勵繼續作大夢,因此每年我們都會用明信片和對方聯繫。明信片內容總是簡單問候,還有交代生活狀況。
聽起來一切沒什麼值得書寫之處。不過重點來了,中國朋友在收件人地址上寫著「中國台灣台中市…」
嘎逼一邊語帶玄機要給不給我看的同時,也一邊唸著以上那幾個字,原來這就是他認為我一定會醒來的絕招。果真!
看到明信片的時候,這幾個字狠狠地讓我呆了好久。我和嘎逼某些神經都被觸動了,特別是,你們也知道最近台中市開始交通管制,因為「陳雲林要來」。
其實我本來對他來這件事情並不是很在意,腦子只想到之後得繞道的層次而已,整個腦袋瓜要認真當成一回事的部分完全沒開機。
我一直無法接受我朋友怎麼在我的地址前面加上那幾個大字「中國台灣省」,禁不住喃喃自語地說,「以前他在中國寄給我明信片都不會這樣寫耶,怎麼搞的出國反而整個民族熱情都被撩起來了…」,類似的呢喃我大概講了四次吧。
→不過後來我找出以前收到的明信片,赫然發現地址欄也寫著「台灣省…」,只是因為以前台灣也有省,所以我整個忽略了「台灣省」背後的不同意涵。
更妙的是,朋友的明信片上同時寫了中英文版本的地址,但是偏偏英文版本就是這麼簡潔,結尾只有:Taizhong City, Taiwan
我好想知道,他使用中文的邏輯和英文為什麼在我看來有一個頗大的落差。
但是其實,我還更想知道的是,啊,能不能有人現在告訴我,要怎麼回這樣的明信片。
看內容都還覺得真摯,但是一看到右邊的地址欄位,內心一股莫名其妙的不知所措就上來了,非常不蘇湖 >.<'”(非常不舒服)(sigh,我以為他「放洋的」高知識份子經歷,會有一點不一樣的眼界。)
我在想,到底有沒有辦法存在一種我所認知的「中國朋友」?
對我來說,「中國朋友」= 朋友,他的國籍是中國人。就像我的「德國朋友」、「英國朋友」、「緬甸朋友」…(雖然我也不喜歡用民族國家作為分類邏輯)
不過,如果我們同一國,那就應該不會存在這個東西。我很少說我朋友是「彰化朋友」,「桃園朋友」,「花蓮朋友」…
怎麼分都不對勁,麻煩透了。有時候很羨慕那種可以大喇喇寫上「中國台灣」的人,都不用思考別人對於這種分類暴力的感受。
我該也回他明信片,用中文祝他佳節愉快?
還是用英文寫,祝他佳節愉快?
還是,不回?
還是像我老弟建議的,就把明信片上面的中國用紅把劃個大叉叉,寄回去給他?(不過就算這樣做,我也會附上一張聖誕卡)
還是,………
要怎麼作才好,竟然在我腦裡盤旋了一整晚。
其實以前去中國旅遊也不是沒遇到類似情境,計程車大叔硬要聊政治,我也都默默讓他說我們兩邊本來就是同胞之類的話語啊。不過,現在在自己家裡,內心的一些自由意志還真不想要有半點妥協啊~好像不傷他們情感,就要折損自己的情感。吼~~~~
結論是:此刻,真是拿中國朋友沒半點辦法啊!
(2004 夏,設於山西五台縣 /閻錫山故居 /漂亮的雕花裝飾)
根據wiki, 閻錫山是1910~1920年代重要北方地方統治者
小時候歷史課本裡管他叫「北洋軍閥」